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By: V Sundaram IAS
July 24, 2005
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Dr Manmohan Singh during his recent visit to England paid a handsome
tribute to British Administration during the period of British rule in
India. His visit coincided with the murderous attacks by Muslim extremists
on different parts of London city resulting in great loss of life and
property. The British Government has proved him right by taking stringent
action against the terrorists without making any political distinction
between `minority rights` and `majority rights`. The British Government
has given a clear message that anything can be a matter of negotiation
excepting anti-national and anti-social terrorism. The situation in India
is both ghastly and tragic where the policemen on the spot are expected to
lay down their lives for the country and the politicians in authority
reserve the Divine Right to go to and fro with gay abandon like Mughal
emperors, from multiple points of vacillation and oscillation for
indefinite procrastination. Aldous Huxley in `Ends and Means` succinctly
described this type of disastrous situation in another context: `The
claims of national society have always, as a matter of brute fact, been
identified with the claims of a ruling oligarchy.` The present state of
anarchy in India is a direct political outcome of what can be called `The
UPA Oligarchy`. In that wobbly system, oligarchy and anarchy are bound
each to each with a `secular` fervour.
The time has come for a new Mahatma Gandhi to emerge on the national scene
to launch a new national democratic movement, within the framework of
existing law, called `QUIT UPA GOVERNMENT IN INDIA`. The UPA Government is
wedded to the philosophy of minority fundamentalism in a manner which
threatens the internal security of India. Sporadic or organised acts of
violence by minorities, more precisely by the disgruntled militant
Muslims, are viewed with `secular` compassion and consideration, treating
them as minority rights.
The congress party during the last 50 years has used terms like
`Fundamentalism` and `Secularism` like disposable condoms depending upon
the political exigencies of the moment and the harsh realities of ground
level partisan electoral politics in different States from time to time. I
am not very sure whether any one in the Congress party knows the real
difference between these two terms. Hindus have been noted for their
tolerance and broadmindedness from times immemorial. It is the Congress
Party which has given the message of minority fundamentalism and majority
isolationalism under the mischievous umbrella of `secularism` which was
cleverly introduced by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru as a political talking
point after independence and which was given legal sanctity by Indira
Gandhi through the 42nd Amendment to the Indian Constitution.
The tragic fact of modern history is that the seeds of
Government-sponsored fundamentalism in post-independent India were sown in
an unintended manner by the great Mahatma Gandhi who, out of his deathless
idealism and burning desire for uniting the Muslims and Hindus for
reaching the goal of `Swaraj`, agreed to lead the Khilafat Movement
(1919-1924). The Turkish Sultans had claimed to be the caliphs of the
Muslim world for over four centuries. As long as the Mughal Empire had
been in existence, the Muslims of India had not recognized their claim.
Tipu Sultan was the first Indian Muslim who, having been frustrated in his
attempts to gain recognition from the Mughals, had turned to the Sultan of
Turkey to establish a legal right to his throne. After the deportation of
Bahadur Shah in 1858, when the Muslims of the Sub-continent had no
sovereign ruler of their own, they began to see the necessity of
recognizing the Sultan of Turkey as their caliph. The European powers had
played a leading role in reducing the might of Turkey in Europe to Eastern
Thrace, Constantinople and the straits in the Balkan Wars (1912-13). To
seek revenge, the Turks decided to side with the Germans against the
Allied Forces during World War I. The Indian Muslims supported this
decision.
After World War I, the Ottoman Empire faced dismemberment. The Muslims of
India had a strong feeling of identity with the world community of Islam.
They had seen the decline in the political fortunes of Islam as the
European powers conquered the Muslim lands one after the other. The
general impression among the Muslims of India was that the Western powers
were waging a war against Islam throughout the world in order to rob it of
all its power and influence. The Ottoman Empire was the only Muslim power
that had maintained a semblance of authority and the Muslims of India
wanted to save the Islamic political power from extinction.
Under the leadership of the Ali Brothers, Maulana Muhammad Ali and Maulana
Shaukat Ali, the Muslims of South Asia launched the historic Khilafat
Movement in 1919 to save the Ottoman Empire. Mahatma Gandhi stepped into
the scene after Jalianwala Bagh and linked the larger issue of Swaraj with
the Khilafat issue to associate Hindus with the Khilafat movement. The
ensuing movement was the first countrywide popular movement. But
unfortunately, while the Hindus of India inspired by the leadership of
Mahatma Gandhi were willing to treat the Muslims as their equals, the
Muslims right from 1921 wanted to be treated as `minorities`.
The British Government cleverly sensing the divide between the Hindus and
the Muslims started encouraging the Muslims behind the scenes in a manner
which went unnoticed even by the Congress stalwarts like Mahatma Gandhi
and Motilal Nehru. Only a few practical men like Sardar Vallabhai Patel
and Rajaji saw through the wicked game of the Muslims and the British in
the aftermath of the Khilafat Movement.
Dr Hedgewar, one of the greatest sons of India, realised the great danger
to national integrity arising from the British policy of colonial
appeasement of the Muslims and the congress political ideology of meek
appeasement of the Muslims after 1921. When the British Government
announced the mischievous `Communal Award` in 1932 Dr Hedgewar gave a
strong warning that the poison of separatism implanted in the body-politic
would sooner or later result in the partition of the country. He thus
clearly foresaw the tragedy of Indian partition which was to come after 15
years in 1947.
Dr Hedgewar was convinced that if the two-pronged attack of British
domination and Muslim separatism had to be met, the only effective course
was to awaken and organize the Hindu people and imbue them with an intense
spirit of nationalism. It was only on the bedrock of such national
strength that the British power could be humbled and the Muslims made to
realise that their interests are better served by their merging in the
main national stream rather than siding with the foreign masters. It is
the realisation of this basic fact of our national life that formed the
ideological base of Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh.
As R C Majumdar, doyen of Bharatiya historians told a group of the
Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh in Calcutta in 1960: `All the programmes of
Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh have been visualised with a great aim and
plan by its founder, the late Dr Hedgewar, for whom I have very high
respect.
He started the work with a sublime view in mind - of imparting the true
spirit of nationalism, and of making the nation self-reliant and powerful.
He rightly and fearlessly declared that Hindus are the true nationals of
this great country. Many feel ashamed to openly accept this fact, though
at heart they feel its veracity. We must acknowledge boldly that it is
Hindu history, Hindu culture, Hindu civilization that this country is
proud of. When people speak of the great past and the great heritage of
the country, I do not know why they should feel ashamed to declare that
their past is the Hindu past and that the heritage they are talking about
is the Hindu heritage.`
The views of Dr Hedgewar were no different from the following words of
Annie Besant, a Catholic woman from Ireland who was also a great fighter
for India`s freedom even before the arrival of Mahatma Gandhi on the
Indian national scene:
`The religion based on the Vedas, the `Sanathana Dharma` or Vaidhika
Dharma, is the oldest of living religions, and stands unrivalled in the
depth and splendour of its philosophy, while it yields to none in the
purity of its ethical teachings and in the flexibility and varied
adaptation of its rites and ceremonies. It is thus adapted to every human
need, and there is nothing which any religion can add to its moulded
perfection. The more it is studied, the more does it illuminate the
intellect and satisfy the heart.`
As such, the essence of national freedom which Dr Hedgewar envisaged and
which his successor Dr Golwalkar concretised and stabilized in a very
large measure, lay in the redemption and revivifying of the eternal values
of `Sanathana Dharma` and Hindu culture. Foreign slavery was like the
eclipse over the sun of Hindu nation; and once that eclipse was removed,
its inner brilliance would burst forth on the entire world.
Continued in part II........
V Sundaram IAS
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