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As the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) hunts for an alternative to L K Advani as party President for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) owing to his “ideological deviations”, few commentators are pointing out the dual undercurrents in Indian politics at play. First, the Hindu right wing movement’s future as a mainstream political force is in terminal decline and second, that the only way to revive it is a clear demarcation between the “social” and “political” spheres for the sangh parivaar. It also makes it clear that the “New Right” which is needed in India at the moment cannot be borne simply as a reaction to already established forces in the political spectrum.

In 1999 when the National Democratic Alliance led by the BJP came to power in Delhi, it seemed to mark the culmination of the movement that had sprouted from the establishment of the RSS and the Jan Sangh half a century ago. The current crisis in the Hindutva camp, which includes a range of parties and socio-political organisations, did not arise in a vacuum. The seeds were sown in the disappointing performance in the 2004 general elections when the party was voted out of office.

Mainstream political analysts put forth various reasons for the electoral debacle including exclusory economic policies pursued by the government, apathy of the urban voters, the 2002 Gujarat riots, and its infamous “India Shining” campaign, which supposedly “insulted” the masses and drew their wrath. But the sangh, which sees the BJP simply as its political offshoot, saw the supposed dilution of its hard-line Hindu supremacist ideology as the primary factor in this equation. For it, the raison d’être for the BJP was to aggressively push for the interests of the majority, which according to it has been long victimised by India’s anti-majoritarian laws.

It saw moderate leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee as the classic example of a “diversion” in the party’s aims. Mr Vajpayee had been famously sympathetic to the Muslim victims of the Gujarat riots, in which the sangh conveniently blamed the Godhra train massacre for the riots, terming the latter simply as a natural reaction of the victimised Hindus. This had resulted in the sangh asking for his resignation. The BJP under Mr Vajpayee had realised that to be successful in the Indian political mainstream wooing of the significant Muslim vote bank was of utmost importance. Hence it had lowered the volume on its Hindu chauvinistic rhetoric.

To prevent this blatant embarrassment from spreading en masse confusion among the rank and file cadres, a rallying cry was needed. A convenient war cry of firangi was unleashed against Congress President Sonia Gandhi and her Italian origins. From Sushma Swaraj to Praveen Togadia- it brought together the myriad of bickering forces in the sangh and united them in their opposition against any moves to make Mrs Gandhi Prime Minister of India.

A year has passed since the United Progressive Alliance came to power in New Delhi, and its economic policies almost duplicate that of the NDA government before it. This is only possible in India where elections are never fought on bread and butter issues. But it also brings unique dilemmas- in this case the BJP was running out of issues to oppose the government on. The leftist circles had already hogged the limelight as far as criticising economic policy was concerned.

First there was the vehement opposition to “pseudo-secularising” the official History textbooks for schools. Secondly, there was the opposition to the repeal of the Prevention of Terrorism Act 2002 on human rights grounds, as the party was concerned that it would encourage far left and jihadi terrorist organisations. Then there was the opposition to the arrest of Jayendra Saraswati, the Shanakaracharya of Kaanchi on murder charges. The party argued that because Abdul Mateen, a Muslim, was treated with apparent leniency by the Supreme Court when he was charged with bombings at Ghatkopar in 2002.

Onto the recent hoopla then! One of the major members of the sangh, the Shiv Sena is facing crisis in its stronghold state of Maharashtra. Its leader in the regional assembly Narayan Rane quit the party this week on accusations of “betraying” the party. Worst yet, he took around 11 representatives with him, slashing the party’s headcount in the house. There are serious leadership questions between Uddhav Thakre, the current party supreme, and Rane.

Then there is the “Jinnah fiasco”. The RSS, Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) and other constituents of the sangh are adamant that Mr Advani resign over his comments in Pakistan that Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan who is blamed for the partition of India by right wing circles, was “secular” in his beliefs. The BJP initially rallied behind Mr Advani, forcing him to withdraw his resignation. But on July 14, George Fernandez, the co-ordinator of the NDA, launched a seething attack on the RSS for causing this rift in the coalition and BJP leaders like Sushma Swaraj and Venkaiyah Naidu quickly silenced him.

But the current division within the Hindu right would seem much more fundamental, had it not been for the July 5 terrorist attack on Ayodhya, where the entire sangh plus BJP have been lobbying to build a temple since 1992. A nation wide strike followed, giving the BJP to rally its troops and present a united front to the public. The hysteric cries of “Jai Shri Ram” from Mr Advani were but a desperate political gimmick to try and keep his house of cards intact.

I have highlighted the word ‘opposition’ on various occasions above. This is because the BJP and the sangh is rapidly sinking into organisations whose existence is based on denouncing another. Even its constructive proposals such as the demand for a universal civic code for all Indians is coming to be seen as a move to “oppose” minority interests. The whole method of presenting their case is misplaced. An agitated Mr Praveen Togadia screaming at the microphone does indeed deliver this avant-garde image. It does nothing to assure the populace that the political branch of such organisations can be a stable ruling party of 1 billion people.

The BJP and the entire sangh need to relocate themselves on the political spectrum in India. New generation BJP leaders are not quite ready, as they are either swamped by internal bickering (e.g., Sushma Swaraj versus Arun Jaitley), or they are able but discredited (e.g. Narendra Modi because of Gujarat riots). Mr Advani at least enjoys a considerable mass support base through out India, and is widely respected across party lines. The sangh should confine itself to social activities and raising awareness on a range of issues, which it raises quite rightly.

Most importantly, India urgently needs a centre-right party which believes in limited and de-centralised government, rule of law, encouragement to enterprise and laissez faire economic policies. The Congress often gets hijacked by populist economics, and the left is forever sunk in Soviet style lingo. The BJP can develop a substantial niche for itself in this area, and it would complement its strong nationalist sentiment and support for treating all Indians as equals.

Aruni Mukherjee

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