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By: V. Sundaram, IAS
March 17, 2005
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Robert Louis Stevenson in his “Ethical Studies” observed: “We all know
what Parliament is, and we are all ashamed of it”.
The spoils system developed in India after our independence, that practice
which turns all public offices, high and low, from public trusts into
objects of prey and booty for the victorious party, may, without
exaggeration of language, be called one of the great criminals in our
modern history, if not the greatest. In the whole catalogue of our
national ills today there is none more dangerous to the vitality of our
institutions.
The Nabobs of the East India Company starting from 1639 in Madras, later
in Bombay and Calcutta and different parts of India, till the transfer of
power to the Crown in 1858 after the Indian Mutiny in 1857 looted India in
a magnificent way. Later, the rape of India continued till 1947. This
great record of public pillage continues unabated even today by our
elected representatives at all levels of governance.
There are 546 members of the Lok Sabha and 245 members of the Rajya Sabha.
The total number of members of State Legislatures and Councils is
currently 5,269. While there has never been a consensus based on debate
and enlightened discussion between these so called representatives of the
people on the fundamental and vital issues affecting the life and welfare
of the common man in India, there has always been and still is absolute
and indivisible unanimity amongst all these Parliamentarians, cutting
across party-lines, on the nature and the extent of their own emoluments
and perks.
I was looking at the entitlements of the Members of Parliament under the
Salaries Act. Between 1.6.1954 and 1.12.2004 (50 years) the salaries and
allowances of these self-less public servants have gone up by 90 times. A
careful look at the details of monetary benefits and other perks
admissible to Members of Parliament under the Salaries Act will indicate
that the Government pays in cash every month to a member about Rs.36,000/-
including salary, daily allowances, etc. of which only the salary of
Rs.12,000/- per month attracts income-tax. This can also be avoided by
some savings in approved Government Schemes. They pay a nominal license
fee for the accommodation in Delhi, which is but a tiny fraction of their
rental value. Taking into account the monetary value of other perks like
free telephone calls (including STD), mobile telephone, free electricity
and water, medical facilities, free air and rail travel in the highest
classes, the direct monthly public expenditure on an M.P. comes to the
tune of more than Rs.3,25,000/- on a very conservative estimate. This is
roughly about 160 times of the per capita income of an average Indian.
No attempt has ever been made by this floating crowd to take a considered
and long run view of the recurring and non-recurring implications of the
monetary emoluments and other perks which they have voted for themselves
with democratic alacrity!! In respect of Government employees, a Pay
Commission is appointed once in 10 years to look at the recurring and
non-recurring implications and re-fixation of pay and other allowances.
But in respect of these Members of Parliament and MLAs in the State
Legislatures, there is a strong and passionate preference for
institutionalized adhocism based on indivisible commitment to unabashed
self-aggrandizement. Much of the privileges and perquisites of the MPs,
Ex.MPs, Ex.PMs, Ex.Presidents, etc. now look more like Privy Purses
connected in no way with any public purpose. In their own approach to
their own perks, I can only see an attitude of unrestrained profligacy, a
monstrous autocracy based on self-assumed vanity.
The way in which people’s representatives have voted benefits for
themselves during last 50 years violates all known canons of financial
propriety. H.W.R. Wade, the greatest known International Authority on
Administrative Law, has said that the basic dictum of Administrative Law
is that the approval in principle of any public necessity that requires
any outgo from any public treasury should be examined and approved by an
authority other than the body likely to be affected or benefited by such
decisions. In the case of perks and privileges in respect of all our MPs
and MLAs, this power has been usurped by themselves for advancing their
own self-interest in violent transgression of all known principles of
Administrative Law. In the process, there has been a hijacking of the
virgin of Parliamentary Democracy which is without any parallel in world
history. IF THESE ARE NOT THE MODERN NABOBS, THEN WHO ARE THEY?
I referred to the unrestrained profligacy of our MPs and MLAs. The great
irony in our democracy is that while the Central Government and the State
Governments are unable to contain the budgetary deficits and the debt
burdens, the MPs and MLAs are not deterred in any way from voting more and
more benefits for themselves with gusto and enthusiasm. The total debt
burden of the Central Government on 1.4.2004 was Rs. 17,24,198.82 CRORES.
The total debt burden of the States on 1.4.2004 was Rs. 7,91,400 CRORES.
The interest payments alone of the Central Government in 2003-2004
involved an outgo of Rs.1,24,554.92 crores. Development has become a minor
sundry activity for all Governments in India. Perks for the MPs and MLAs
during the last 50 years have not in any way suffered on account of these
Central and State deficits. This may be a matter of great honour for all
our politicians. For me, as a private individual of no significance but as
a proud Indian citizen, it is a matter of great national disgrace.
If this is not a mockery of democracy, then what is it? We have failed to
establish an administrative system geared to the promotion of peace,
happiness, prosperity and justice for the common man in the street in
India. Over 40% of our fellow countrymen are living below the poverty line
and are deprived of their fundamental rights. About 90 million of our
young men and women are getting crushed under the yoke of unemployment.
And yet, we have a wonderful political system where our elected
representatives are getting richer and richer every moment every day, ably
assisted and abetted by the mafia of mass media, the mafia of the
executive, the mafia of the legislature and finally the mafia of the
judiciary. Unless there is a bloody revolution like the French Revolution
in 1789, or the Chinese Revolution in 1912, or the Russian Revolution in
1917, things are not going to change for the better in India. In this
context, I cannot help taking refuge in Modern History. When Warren
Hastings was impeached in the House of Commons in 1785, Edmund Burke
thundered in the House of Commons:
“I accuse you (Warren Hastings) of crimes which have their rise in the
wicked dispositions of men – in avarice, rapacity, pride, cruelty,
malignity of temper, haughtiness, insolence – in short, in everything that
manifests a heart blackened to the very blackest – a heart dyed in
blackness – a heart gangrened to the core. We have brought before you the
head, the chief, the Captain-General of Iniquity – one in whom all the
fraud, all the tyranny of India are embodied, disciplined and arrayed. You
are a thief, tyrant, robber, cheat, swindler and I am afraid the English
Language does not afford terms adequate to describe in full the enormity
of your offences. I impeach you in the name of the Commons’ House of
Parliament, whose trust you have betrayed. I impeach you in the name of
the English Nation, whose ancient honour you have sullied. I impeach you
in the name of the people of India, whose rights you have trodden under
foot and whose country you have turned into a dessert. Lastly, in the name
of human nature itself, in the name of both sexes, in the name of every
age, in the name of every rank, I impeach you, the common enemy and
oppressor of all.”
We require nearly 100 Edmund Burkes in our midst on behalf of more than
1100 million people of India to impeach nearly 6000 men (Warren Hastings)
in our Parliament and the State Legislatures, who are emasculating the
people of India in the name of democracy & social justice.
Even in this nationally squalid situation, I would like to brace myself
and all my helpless countrymen by deriving inspiration from the following
beautiful passage from Prof. Hamson on the Rule of Law:
“The solidity of our rights is the visible testimony of the profundity of
our determination that justice must be done, must manifestly and plainly
be done, must be done not in our case only but for all equally, must
appear to be done with certainty and without fail. It is perhaps an odd
determination for a nation to have; but I have no doubt that this nation
has it. Indeed the strength of that determination is formidable. It has
not customarily found vent in disorder or revolution; it is not, as with
some people, a sudden passion; it has the greater power of deliberate
human purpose intent upon an end with a tenacity which will not be denied.
I think that our institutions (and not our legal institutions only) do
embody this conviction, do represent (and not so badly either) the result
of this conviction at work over a long and not in general discreditable
past. And I am persuaded that this conviction still remains, willing to
take account of real practical difficulty, capable of much patience but
capable also greatly to surprise those who may seek insolently to thwart
it or incautiously to neglect it.”
Let us all unite together to prove Prof. Hamson right and all our
politicians wrong.
V. Sundaram, IAS
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