By:
Aruni Mukherjee
aruni_mukherjee@yahoo.co.uk
March 19, 2004
Since
the collapse of the erstwhile Soviet Union, the already huge sphere of
influence of Liberal Free market ideology has expanded further to include
several countries, mostly those from the third world or developing
countries. Since Deng Xiaopeng’s market reforms were brought in the late
1970s in Communist China, several developing states like India, Brazil,
and various African nations have slowly but surely moved away from a
regulated economy towards a more market oriented approach. Effects of this
spread of free trade have varied significantly from country to country. In
the last two decades of the 20th century, world income went up
by 25% per annum yet poverty rose by 100 million.
Free marketeers can point to the astounding growth rates achieved by China
since the early 80s and India since the 90s to explain the benefits
developing states can reap by embracing free trade. However, this march to
free trade has not been without hiccups as depicted vividly in the Latin
American crisis, 1997-8 East Asian depression and the reluctance of the
west to stick to the principles of global free trade when it comes to
securing domestic interests. Overall, in determining whether reduction of
trading barriers is actually beneficial for these countries, the two most
important contemporary issues to be considered are that of rising
disparity in wealth in these countries and that of opportunity cost rising
as a result of the developed countries actually violating the norms of
free trade.
The Chinese
economic miracle has been the classic example used to hail the success of
free trade. Indeed, ever since China liberalised in 1978, it has sustained
a growth rate well over 7% and poverty has been drastically falling.
During the second phase of its liberalisation, i.e. during the last decade
of the 1990s, proportion of people living below $1/day fell from 31%
to 5.5%.
As a result of liberalisation, foreign direct investment has flown to
China and from around $590 million in 1979, today China attracts nearly
$50 billion of FDI which fund around 23,000 projects in the country.
In terms of purchasing power parity, China’s GDP per capita has risen from
less than $980 in 1978 to in excess of $2,600 today.
However, under the shadow of this colourful portrayal exist serious
macro-economical problems. China faces a threefold problem of disparity of
wealth- rural-urban, regional as well as between urban dwellers. For
example, China’s rural population earns only 40% of its urban counterpart
where in most countries, developing or developed, the figure is around
66%.
China’s
mid-west has a GDP per capita which equals to 47% of that of the East
Coast.
There is also a great divergence in the incomes of the richer and poorer
urban classes.
One of the biggest problems China has faced since resorting to free trade
is that of unemployment and currently more than 10% of urban Chinese and
much more amongst the rural population remain unemployed.
This problem was something which China rarely faced during its socialist
tenure, although living conditions in general, especially in urban areas,
have improved greatly since the embracing of free trade. Inequality is a
problem common for most developing countries as free trade ensures only
selective inflow of money in certain areas, sectors and industries and
less and less government intervention has meant that there is no
regulatory force to control the distribution of resources. African
countries, in their slow transition to a market economy, have experienced
this vividly. For instance, Nigeria has experienced a rise in inequality
with its Gini co-efficient rising from 0.387 in 1985 to 0.449 in the
1990s.
India has experienced a rise in urban inequality as well especially during
the time since 1999 when it increased the pace of its liberalisation
process although poverty has come down overall from over 35% to below 26%
during the same period and GDP has grown in excess of 5.5% by average.
Critics of
free trade have often argued that it results in overrunning of the
domestic industry of the developing nation by the multi national
corporations. This can be seen, to an extent, in China where much of the
economy is in the hands of foreign companies and Chinese entrepreneurs
have generally taken a back seat to them. However, impact of free trade on
domestic companies in India have been very different indeed with the
commanding heights of the economy are led by Indian firms like Reliance,
Wipro, Infosys, Tata, Mahindra, etc. We can even see an expanding trend in
the domestic companies in India who are venturing into other Asian and
African countries.
The important factor to note here is that it was China which resorted to a
more rapid and widespread liberalisation compared to India which was much
too cautious and selective in treading on that path. Thus, it could be
argued that, in the long-term, the control of India’s economy remains in
domestic hands while China might run into trouble if other developing
countries manage to take away its USPs. Hence, we could conclude that
selective and cautious free trade is more beneficial for developing
countries in the longer term rather than wholesale opening up of markets.
The most stable economies of South East Asia followed this approach and
are reaping the benefits while the East Asian countries that rapidly
liberalised their capital markets and followed the rather questionable
line set down by the IMF sunk into depression in the late 1990s.
Adhering to
free trade principles, it naturally follows from this that these companies
would not hesitate to relocate to another country if it provides cheaper
or better means of production. China so far has managed to keep its cost
cutting USP intact, although this is harming India to an extent. So far,
India has been the leading nation in terms of attracting off-shoring
financial services jobs. However, recently countries like Czech Republic,
Poland and South Africa have emerged as competitors for an estimated $356
billion
worth of jobs, and western companies are now switching to Eastern Europe
due to closeness in terms of distance than India. One could argue, though,
that increased free trade leads to enhancing competition and greater
efficiency for the companies and a good deal for the consumers of the
country. For instance, Nepalese and Pakistani competition has led to
Indian textile exports to the US to fall in the last financial year, yet
the Indian companies could boost their sales by tapping the European
market. Similarly, opening up Jamaican markets to American milk imports
has led to overrunning of domestic companies yet enabled the consumers to
get a cheaper product.
The incidents which have been pointed out by left wing critics as
monopolistic behaviour by MNCs are likely to become rarer due to the
rapidly increasing number of competitors and owing to a high price
elasticity of demand of their products in most developing countries.
Thus, we see
that in general reduction in trading barriers has indeed helped developing
countries attract investment and improve growth prospects, and in some
cases, even expand their own corporate sector. However, it can be argued
that free trade, in its current form, has been harmful for developing
nations in cases where the developed world has actually refused to follow
the norms of free trade. For instance, the recent US ban on Business
Process Outsourcing can hurt employment conditions in countries like India
very much.
US
tariffs on Chinese steel is also an example of such contradictory policies
of the west especially since they violate WTO norms.
The arguments between the developing and developed nations at Cancun also
underline the lost opportunities the current system is bringing about.
While developing countries are asked to lower their agricultural
subsidies, the US spends $3.9 billion subsidising 25,000 cotton farmers
which gives them the edge over 2 million of their counterparts in Burkina
Faso. Therefore, if we term the current system of international trade as
‘free’, then it has certainly proved itself to be detrimental for
developing countries in many aspects.
Thus, we can
arguably conclude that free trade is only beneficial for developing
countries either when it is practised uniformly through out the global
market or if it is conducted selectively. Forced liberalisation of the
capital markets of East Asia led to the 1997-8 crisis. Similar stories
exist elsewhere like Argentina, Ethiopia, Kenya, etc. Pressurising
countries to formulate policies to liberalise their economy almost
forcibly and resort to free trade has often yielded disastrous results.
Adamant insistence on balancing the budget and withdrawing government arm
from the economy as a condition of granting loans has become the norm with
the IMF and this kind of forced free trade has proved damaging to the
country’s development quite often. IMF insistence on cutting government
subsidies has led to a 2% fall in income levels in the world’s poorest
region, Sub-Saharan Africa.
Thus, we see
that the success stories of free trade namely South East Asia, India and
China have mostly followed a regulated derivative. In fact, many would
argue that following a more open form of free trade could be detrimental
to long-term strategic interests of China. Most of the failures in the
world of free trade have been countries which have embraced it, or been
forced to toe the line, and opened their markets when conditions were not
favourable. The principles on which free trade stands for are definitely,
at least in theory, beneficial for the developing states. However, given
the contradictions the developed world often makes to its own principles,
it is perhaps safe to say that complete free trade is harmful to the
interests of a developing country. The countries which have reaped, and
indeed are reaping, the benefits of free trade have mostly done so because
of their selective approach and flexibility, developing a way to counter
the inconsistent policies of the developed world and making sure that a
free economy causes the uplifting of all its social classes, especially
the most downtrodden.
Aruni Mukherjee
(Introduction
about Author:
I
am 18,
and a first year undergraduate in History and Politics and I originate
from Calcutta, India. I came to the United Kingdom in 2001 and studied
A-levels here before joining university. I take a lot of interest in
defence and strategic issues pertaining to India, especially economic
aspects of our development.)
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